The paper was written on host nations’ participation in the oil and gas business and the expected gains. This article examined the expected or resulting gains of active participation by host nations in the business of oil and gas, draw conclusion and make recommendations for sustainable growth. From the earliest time, active involvement and participation by the host nations, particularly the so-called third world countries, in the oil and gas business was virtually non-existent, and, at best, incidental. The implication was that the foreign investor corporations exploited the lack of technical know-how, poverty and none active participation of the host nations, particularly in the case of Nigeria, and ripped off such nations of the accruable income by offering meager amounts and some other incidental gains but repatriated the greater earning to their home countries. Oil bearing developing nations, like Nigeria, must not shy away from active involvement and participation in the oil business as the resulting gains and dividends are quite unquantifiable and have multiplier effects on the broad and general development of the concerned nations. It will bring diversification in the economy as profits realized is ploughed into other areas of critical need and development like railways, airports, construction of dams, agriculture, education etc.

South Sudan is a fraction of the newly independent Sudan on 9 July 2011 and registered with the United Nations on 13 July 2011. This region is directly bordered by Sudan to the north, Ethiopia to the east, Kenya to the southeast, Uganda to the south, Congo to the southwest, and Africa. Central on the west. Since its official independence on July 9, 2011, South Sudan has never felt the slightest bit of enjoying its independence with peace, running its government effectively like other independent countries, its sovereignty is torn apart by civil war, even the international community seems slow in taking a related stance. Events that happened in South Sudan. For the events that occurred in South Sudan, the UN Security Council finally imposed an arms embargo on South Sudan on July 13, 2018. At the time of voting before the issuance of the resolution containing sanctions against South Sudan, the two permanent members of the UN Security Council, namely Russia and China voted to abstain, as did the four non-permanent members of the UN Security Council namely Ethiopia, Bolivia, Equatorial Guinea and Kazakhstan which also chose to abstain. Previously, a similar resolution draft made by the United States (as one of the permanent members of the UN Security Council) was almost rolled out in December 2016, under President Barack Obama's administration, but the effort did not succeed in getting enough votes in the UN Security Council. The UN Security Council on May 30 2019 then extended sanctions against South Sudan for another year, including an arms embargo. Five of the 15 council members abstained from voting, namely Russia, China, Ivory Coast, Equatorial Guinea and South Africa. The move passed because it only required nine positive votes and no veto.

There is no agreement regarding the maritime boundaries of the two countries, so that friction in the sea area often occurs, even if you look at the existing data for the period October 2014 to May 2019 there are 294 or about 57 percent of the ships destroyed by the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries are violating vessels, the Vietnamese flag. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the development of negotiations on maritime boundaries between Indonesia and neighboring countries and the prospects for solving the maritime boundary problem between Indonesia and Vietnam. This type of research is normative using a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. The data used is secondary data obtained through library research. All data collected were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that the development of negotiations for maritime boundaries between Indonesia and neighboring countries began between Indonesia and Malaysia, followed by Indonesia-Singapore, Indonesia-Papua New Guinea, Indonesia-Australia, Indonesia-India, while the conflict in Natuna waters occurred because there was no agreement between Indonesia and Vietnam regarding the EEZ region of each country. Indonesia started discussing the EEZ boundary with Vietnam in 2010. From 2010 to 2016, negotiations on the determination of maritime boundaries between Indonesia and Vietnam have been held eight times. The two negotiators have agreed on several principles, the first is based on the International Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS 1982), although each country still requires technical, juridical and political considerations.